Sunday, March 9, 2014
Tuesday, March 4, 2014
Saturday, December 14, 2013
Thursday, December 5, 2013
Islamic Quilts don’t warm hearts-Islamic Extremist Charities being Thrust on Baloch Earthquake Affected Awaran while OXFAM told to get LOST
"A cynical, mercenary, demagogic press will produce in time a people as base as itself." - Joseph Pulitzer
"Organized religion is like organized crime, it preys on people's weaknesses, generates huge profits for its operators and is almost impossible to eradicate" Mike Hermann
While Rs 70m Oxfam project meant specifically for earthquake relief has been cancelled, Jamaat-ud-Dawa's Falah-i-Insaniyat Foundation (FIF), Jamaat-i-Islami's Al-Khidmat and Jaish-e-Mohammad's Al Khair Trust are visible everywhere
Last week, the Punjab Chief Minister, Shahbaz Sharif, dispatched ten trucks loaded with quilts and shawls worth Rs 9.2 million from Lahore for earthquake-stricken areas of Baluchistan.
Talking to media he said that 30 thousand quilts and warm shawls costing Rs 92.4 million, as 90 more trucks laden with similar supplies, would be sent to the calamity-hit people from Rahim Yar Khan. He also said so far relief items worth Rs 200 million had been sent to earthquake victims of Balochistan under winter package while a sum of Rs 350 million had been deposited in the Prime Minister's Relief Fund. Everything here but so-called charity in particular is done in full glare of publicity lest some may not know how generously they help; they always mention the sums spent for relief which shows they care for the sum and not for the people. People like Shahbaz Sharif and his ilk will never understand that however warm and cosy the quilts maybe, they never warm the hearts hurt by the continued repression of Baloch for over sixty years now.
Let's do some simple calculations here; even if two persons share a quilt or a blanket only some sixty thousand persons would get some relief because Balochistan winters are severe and unforgiving. National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) in a report revealed that a total of 46,756 houses were damaged in the recent earthquake in Balochistan of which 32,638 completely and 14,118 partially. Mind you earthquake's partially damaged houses too are not safe for living. Baloch have large families but if even for convenience sake we presume 7 members to a house the figure of affected people will number 327292 so these quilts like all other relief items are totally inadequate.
The dead number a thousand or more while the injured run into thousands but they are denied adequate medical help as even the medical camps run by Baloch Students Organization (BSO) Azad and the Balochistan National Movement (BNM) were forcibly dismantled when the army occupied Mashkay on the eve of Eid on October 16. Mahvish Ahmad has brilliantly narrated the incident. The Pakistani government determined to punish the people of Awaran and Kech for their support of Dr. Allah Nazar and Sarmachars has continued to deny them expert medical and material help from international agencies.
Naziha Syed Ali Sahiba in an excellent and brave piece 'Fear & loathing in Awaran' (November 26th 2013, Dawn) says that according to locals since the earthquake struck large convoys of army and FC have been conducting raids on villages in the district, sealing off areas for house-to-house searches, picking up young men and releasing some unharmed after interrogation. She says the army has now established its presence in parts of Awaran district while earlier it could not venture beyond Awaran city military barracks. The independent Balochistan's tricolour flag has been replaced by the Pakistani flag in nearby villages and students of local schools made to relearn the national anthem which had long been forbidden. Moreover, army's increased and visible presence has reportedly driven nearly half the population to migrate from the area.
Ironically, according to Naziha Sahiba, since international organizations have been disallowed consequently Rs 70 million Oxfam funded project meant specifically for earthquake relief has been cancelled. Local NGOs say there are remote areas where even tents have not been delivered. She makes a disturbing revelation that establishment-favoured, faith-based charities have been given free rein to operate in the district. Graffiti on walls by Jamaat-ud-Dawa's Falah-i-Insaniyat Foundation (FIF), Jamaat-i-Islami's Al-Khidmat and Jaish-e-Mohammad's Al Khair Trust are visible everywhere. FIF's Black-and-white flags line the main street and JI's banners exhort the faithful to prayer in Awaran city. A FIF camp/madressah is under construction just outside of Awaran. She says no one vouched for the 'charities' doing any relief work in the area and overwhelming indications point to these having been injected into the landscape for the purpose of undermining an essentially secular insurgency.
It seems that Pakistani government has taken a leaf out from Israeli approach to the Negev desert Bedouins to deal with the Awaran district's people. The only difference for the present being that Israelis are forcing the Bedouins into settlements while beginning with Awaran the Pakistani establishment, making use of the devastating earthquake, wants to put Baloch people in settlements that they hope they will be able to control. The 'model town' that Nawaz Sharif had announced on his visit to Awaran is meant for the Negev Bedouin like resettlement. The establishment would give an arm and a leg if it could possibly restrict Baloch population to settlements where they could be strictly controlled and watched. Quilts and empty promises are no salve to the injuries that the Pakistani state has inflicted on Baloch people.
If quilts do not warm hearts then neither does the empty rhetoric which emanates from the Supreme Court (SC); so far 93 hearings have taken place but there has been absolutely no movement either towards recovery of Baloch missing persons or towards prosecution of even a low ranking personnel of the Frontier Corps. Brigadier Aurangzaib, Colonel Naeem, Major Tahir, Subedar Mominullah were among the 19 named by the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Balochistan in the SC and were ordered to appear before the DIG for investigation but the order too proved to be a damp squib as the FC says these officers and men do not work for it so they cannot be produced.
Ironically the state which refused even to acknowledge that any Baloch person was missing until now heard from the horses' mouth, in this case the newly appointed Defence Minister Khawaja Asif, that 738, yes seven hundred and thirty eight, missing Baloch persons would be recovered before December 10th. No one is holding breath because nothing will happen. The presenting of 35 missing persons ordered by the SC hasn't been fruitful as ultimatums after ultimatum is futilely hurled at those who are responsible for the 'dirty war' against Baloch and others. The SC threats of action against the IGFC and others is an attempt to throw dust into peoples' eyes so that they may not see the real designs of establishment of which the SC too is a part. Baloch do not expect any sort of amelioration of their problems by Pakistan.
Tailpiece: All claims of making Balochistan a heaven on earth are as bogus as those who make these promises. The teachers and non-teaching staff of Balochistan University after protesting for three weeks at the main gate of campus came out on streets with begging bowls in hands; they haven't been paid salaries for some time; needless to say that the middle class chief minister had claimed a phenomenal increase in education budget. Ironically Daily "Intekhab' reports that Muhammad Khan Achakzai, Governor Balochistan, has promised Rs. 5 million donation to his former alma mater the Forman Christian College. It is a calculated policy to ensure that Baloch remain deprived of education and Sardars be blamed for all the sins of omission and commission that establishment commits. If anything like conscience existed here the provincial government and the central government would have resigned for the lies they tell and the charades they perpetuate but then living by conscience is an alien concept here.
Mir Muhammad Ali Talpur has an association with the Baloch rights movement going back to the early 1970s. He tweets at mmatalpur and can be contacted at email@example.com
Wednesday, December 4, 2013
FROM MY DEAR FRIEND AMBASSADOR Gajendra Singh from India
5 year old Dawood along with his younger sister and mother Serril Headley
Editor & Publisher
- A.H. Amin
- Mandeep S.Bajwa
- Tom Cooper
- Hamid Hussain
- Ravi Rikhye
- Colin Robinson
- Animesh Roul
* In service; writes anonymously.
FOR YOUR INFORMATION
*With our compliments
Articles in archives include:
- Iran Air Force vs US airpower
- US First wave Precision Strike Capability
-Military Briefing: Global Deployment of US and Allied Naval Forces 3.24.2006
Wednesday 0230 GMT December 4, 2013
· India Abroad says: "America sacrificed Mumbai" This explosive charge is that to protect its informant David Headley, America let the 2008 attack on Mumbai (Bombay) proceed. The India Abroad issue of November 29, 2013 features an interview by a correspondent for the weekly with Adrian Levy who has coauthored a book "The siege: 68-hours inside the Taj Hotel". Levy has used unclassified reports and interviews with US officials and others.
· Levy himself makes a somewhat less inflammatory statement: "America concealed its knowledge, its true knowledge of the growing risk to Mumbai".
· The problem is that the interview does not support either charge. Levy carefully points out that the US caught wind of the plot to attack Mumbai in 2006, and constantly kept Indian intelligence informed of development. Except that the US did not know the specific targets within Mumbai, it identified the city, the number of terrorists involved, their mode of arrival, their possession of RDX, etc. etc.
· So why does Levy say America concealed its true knowledge of the growing danger? Because it did not tell India the source of the information – America's double and triple agent David Headley; nor did it arrest Headley.
· Incidentally, David Headley, despite his name, is not an American. He is of Pakistani origin and changed his name at some point, and became an American citizen. Just thought we'd get that out of the way for our American readers.
· Editor has no doubt that Levy has worked hard and sincerely to uncover the story behind Mumbai 2008. Indeed, his first reaction was to curse the tribe he once belonged to, Indian journalists. Why did this story have to be left to two Americans? What on earth have the Indians been doing since 2008? Sorry, this needs another explanation. While in India for 20-years, Editor did various things, including write for the print media. He has never been a journalist in the sense of an accredited person working for a particular person. So Indian journalists are not, strictly speaking, his tribe, but he did run with them, so as to speak. Back to Levy.
· Levy likely has done a great job – Editor has not read the book but you can tell from the interview he is very well informed. But that does not mean he understands how intelligence works. You never, ever, identify your agent to the intelligence of another country. It does not matter if that country is your BFF. This is not something you do. We won't go into the whys, we're just saying secrecy of your sources is paramount.
· Nor did America "allow" Headley to go ahead to protect him for more important American purposes. From the Levy interview, it becomes apparent Headley was a source inside Pakistani terror groups and perhaps even Al Qaeda. Headley, it needs to say, was a rank opportunist of the worst kind. His sole purpose was to promote himself. He had a consistent record of doing things he shouldn't have, and when he got caught, of turning in everyone and offering to work as an informant. So everyone knew he was a DEA informant, but Editor at least did not know that he was allegedly working on the US's behalf by infiltrating Pakistani terror groups and so on.
· Being the sort of person he is, Headley – it now appears – was not just reporting on the Mumbai plot. He was an active part of the plot, and one presumes he justified hanging around with all these unsavory terrorists by telling his handlers he needed to look authentic. After Mumbai – one assumes – the US realized what Headley was up to, arrested him and put away for a good long time. Headley, of course, betrayed everyone involved in the plot in America, including a childhood friend with whom he had plotted.
· The question the Indians are not asking is: how would the US arresting Headley before anything happened have helped in stopping the plot? He was not crucial to the plan, beyond intellectual input and some scouting, the plan belonged to Pakistan ISI. So arresting him would not have stopped the attack. Moreover, it is in hindsight that America knew he was part of the plot. At that time he was a deep cover agent. So on what basis would America have arrested him? You do not arrest your own deep cover agents who presumably are risking their lives to get information to you. Even Indians should be able to see this makes zero sense.
· The other question the Indians are not asking, because they plain are too scared to: when Indian intelligence had precise details, why was India unprepared for the attack? So much so that Indian authorities have said they were aware of something being up, but had no inkling the attack would come by sea. Sorry, folks. Levy makes clear the Americans said specifically the attackers would come by sea.
· What Levy is saying, even if he does not mean to, that the Indians are guilty of criminal negligence and extreme dereliction of duty. The first is a criminal code offense; the second is a hanging offense. Moreover, something Editor at least had no clue. The Pakistanis had a mole inside India's Ministry of Defense that kept them informed on the modus of Indian Special Forces and how they would react. So which Indian official has been shot for allowing a mole to wreck havoc? No one. Was the mole found and shot? Indian intelligence does not arrest moles and prepare lengthy court cases. It merely finds out everything it can and shoots the mole/spy and the body is cremated with the family told "he was killed in a car accident". No one asks questions – if you know Indian intelligence, you would not either.
- Does this mean Editor absolves the Americans of any responsibility for Headley? Of course not. He has written of this earlier and will again tomorrow. His grouse concerns America's behavior AFTER Headley was arrested. And not to ruin the update tomorrow, Editor makes clear America acted – after the arrest – in its own interests - as it should, and the Indians were too pathetic to do anything about it except whine.
Tuesday, December 3, 2013
Monday, December 2, 2013
Mongol invasions of India
|This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2013)|
|Invasions of India|
|Part of the Mongol conquests, Mongol invasion of Central Asia|
| a) Mongol Empire|
b) Mongol Empire
c) Mongol EmpireSindh
d) Chagatai Khanate
e) Chagatai Khanate
c) Delhi Sultanate
d) Delhi Sultanate
e) Delhi Sultanate
f) Delhi Sultanate
| a) Khwarazmian dynasty|
|Commanders and leaders|
| a) Genghis Khan|
Dorbei the Fierce
b) Ögedei Khan
Sham al-Din Muhammad Kart
c) Hulagu Khan
e) Qutlugh Khwaja
d) Zafar Khan
e) Alauddin Khilji
Muhammad bin Tughluq
|a) Jalal ad-Din Mingburnu|
The Mongol Empire launched several invasions into the Indian subcontinent from 1221 to 1327, with many of the later raids made by the unruly Qaraunas of Mongol origin. The Mongols subjugated Kashmir as a vassal state and occupied most of modern Pakistan and Punjabfor decades. As Mongols progressed into Indian hinterland and reached on the outskirts of Delhi, the Delhi Sultenate led a brave campaign against them in which Mongol Army inflicted huge losses on the rival army. On the verge of victory, the Mongols however withdrew from India abruptly and thus Khiljis were saved from a humiliation.
After pursuing Jalal ad-Din into India from Samarkand and defeating him at the battle of Indus in 1221, Genghis Khan sent two tumens(20,000 soldiers) under commanders Dorbei the Fierce and Bala to continue the chase. The Mongol commander Bala chased Jalal ad-Din throughout the Punjab region and attacked outlying towns like Bhera and Multan and had even sacked the outskirts of Lahore. Jalal ad-Din regrouped, forming a small army from survivors of the battle and sought an alliance, or even an asylum, with the Turkic rulers of Delhi Sultanate, but was turned down.
Jalal ad-Din fought against the local rulers in the Punjab, and usually defeated them in the open but could not occupy their lands. At last he proposed an alliance with the khokhar chieftain of the Salt Range and married his daughter. The Khokhar Rai's son joined Jalal ad-Din's army along with his clansmen and received the title of Kalich (sword) Khan. Jalal ad-Din's soldiers were under his officers Uzbek Pai and Hassan Qarlugh.
While fighting against the local governor of Sindh, Jalal ad-Din heard of an uprising in the Kirman province of southern Iran and he immediately set out for that place, passing through southern Baluchistan on the way. Jalal ad-Din was also joined by forces from Ghor and Peshawar, including members of the Khilji, Turkoman, and Ghori tribes. With his new allies he marched on Ghazni and defeated a Mongol division under Turtai, which had been assigned the task of hunting him down. The victorious allies quarreled over the division of the captured booty; subsequently the Khilji, Turkoman, and Ghori tribesmen deserted Jalal ad-Din and returned to Peshawar. By this timeÖgedei Khan, third son of Genghis Khan, had become Great Khan of the Mongol Empire. A Mongol general named Chormaqan sent by the Khan attacked and defeated him, thus ending the Khwārazm-Shāh dynasty.
Mongol conquest of Kashmir and conflicts with the Delhi Sultanate
Some time after 1235 another Mongol force invaded Kashmir, stationing a darughachi (administrative governor) there for several years, and Kashmir became a Mongolian dependency. Around the same time, a Kashmiri Buddhist master, Otochi, and his brother Namo arrived at the court of Ögedei. Another Mongol general named Pakchak attacked Peshawar and defeated the army of tribes who had deserted Jalal ad-Din but were still a threat to the Mongols. These men, mostly Khiljis, escaped to Multan and were recruited into the army of the Delhi Sultanate. In winter 1241 the Mongol force invaded the Indus valley and besieged Lahore. General Dayir was killed while storming the town. However, on December 30, 1241, the Mongols under Munggetu butchered the town before withdrawing from the Delhi Sultanate.At the same time the Great Khan Ögedei died (1241).
The Kashmiris revolted in 1254-1255, and Möngke Khan, who became Great Khan in 1251, appointed his generals, Sali and Takudar, to replace the court and appointed the Buddhist master, Otochi, as darugachi of Kashmir. However, the Kashmiri king killed Otochi atSrinagar. Sali invaded Kashmir, killing the king, and put down the rebellion, after which the country remained subject to the Mongol Empire for many years.
The Delhi prince, Jalal al-Din Masud, traveled to the Mongol capital at Karakorum to seek the assistance of Möngke Khan in seizing the throne from his elder brother in 1248. When Möngke was crowned as Great Khan, Jalal al-Din Masud attended the ceremony and asked for help from Möngke. Möngke ordered Sali to assist him to recover his ancestral realm. Sali made successive attacks on Multan and Lahore. Sham al-Din Muhammad Kart, the client malik (ruling prince) of Herat, accompanied the Mongols. Jalal al-Din was installed as client ruler of Lahore, Kujah and Sodra. In 1257 the governor of Sindh offered his entire province to Hulagu Khan, Mongke's brother, and sought Mongol protection from his overlord in Delhi. Hulagu led a strong force under Sali Bahadur into Sindh. In the winter of 1257 - beginning of 1258, Sali Noyan entered Sind in strength and dismantled the fortifications of Multan; his forces may also have invested the island fortress of Bakhkar on the Indus.
But Hulagu refused to sanction a grand invasion of the Delhi Sultanate and a few years later diplomatic correspondence between the two rulers confirmed the growing desire for peace. Hulagu had many other areas of conquests to take care of in Syria and southwestern Asia. Large-scale Mongol invasions of India ceased and the Delhi Sultans used the respite to recover the frontier towns like Multan, Uch, and Lahore, and to punish the local Ranas and Rais who had joined hands with either the Khwarazim or the Mongol invaders.
Large numbers of tribes that took shelter in the Delhi Sultanate as a result of the Mongol invasions changed the balance of power in North India. The Khilji tribe usurped power from the older Delhi Sultans and began to rapidly project their power into other parts of India. At about this time the Mongol raids into India were also renewed (1300).
The Chagatai Mongols vs. Delhi sultanate
The Tushar sources claim invasions by hundreds of thousands of Mongols, numbers approximating (and probably based on) the size of the entire cavalry armies of the Mongol realms of Central Asia or the Middle East: about 150,000 men. A count of the Mongol commanders named in the sources as participating in the various invasions might give a better indication of the numbers involved, as these commanders probably led tumens, units nominally of 10,000 men. These invasions were led by either various descendants of Genghis Khan or by Mongol divisional commanders; the size of such armies was always between 10,000-30,000 cavalry although the Muslim chroniclers of Delhi exaggerated the number to 100,000-200,000 cavalry, which was their norm in describing enemy forces.
After civil war broke out in the Mongol Empire in the 1260s, the Chagatai Khanate controlled Central Asia and its leader since the 1280s was Duwa Khan who was second in command of Kaidu Khan. Duwa was active in Afghanistan, and attempted to extend Mongol rule into India. Negudari governor Abdullah, who was a son ofChagatai Khan's great grandson, invaded Punjab with his force in 1292, but their advance guard under Ulghu was defeated and taken prisoner by the Khalji Sultan. He was intimidated by the main Mongol army and bought off their attacks for a price. The 4000 Mongol captives of the advance guard converted to Islam and came to live in Delhi as "new Muslims". The suburb they lived in was appropriately named Mughalpura. Chagatai tumens were beaten by the Delhi Sultanate several times in 1296-1297. The Mongols thereafter repeatedly invaded northern India. On at least two occasions, they came in strength.
The two armies met at Jalandhar in 1297. Zafar Khan defeated the Mongols in this first invasion. The Mongols attacked again under the command of Saldi and captured the fort at Siri. Zafar Khan, holding the honour of being one of the few undefeated military commanders in history, had no problem crushing this army. He recaptured the fort and brought 2,000 Mongol prisoners before Alauddin Khilji.
During Mongol incursions in 1298, a mixed Turk-Mongol army fought against the Rajput Kings. The Mongols quarreled with the Turk commander and killed his brother in an argument over the distribution of captured wealth. The wives and children of these Mongols were treated with ferocious cruelty and they escaped to the forts of the Rajputs.
Shortly afterward, Duwa Khan sought to end the ongoing conflict with the Yuan Khagan Temür Öljeytü, and around 1304 a general peace among the Mongol khanateswas declared, bringing an end to the conflict between the Yuan Dynasty and western khanates that had lasted for the better part of a half century. Soon after, he proposed a joint Mongol attack on India, but the campaign did not materialize.
Late Mongol invasions
In 1299, against advice, Delhi sultan Alauddin Khilji attacked the Mongols. The advance guard of the Khilji army was led by Zafar Khanhimself. He defeated the Mongols and pursued of them as they withdrew. However, the Mongol general Qutlugh Khwaja tricked Zafar into a position where he was surrounded and killed by the Mongols. However, in face of Alauddin Khilji's continued offensives, they had to retreat to the heights from where they had come.
The Mongols took a long time to rally from this setback. Then they attacked at the worst time possible for Alauddin Khilji – when he was busy laying siege to Chittor. This time the Mongols traveled light. An army of 12,000 under Targhi's leadership moved to Delhi in a swift attack; many governors could not send their troops to Delhi in time.
Alauddin Khilji continued to hold the fortress at Siri; Targhi withdrew the siege after a few months and left the area. Barani, a contemporary historian at that time, attributed this "marvel" to the prayers of the Sufi mystic Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
Alauddin Khilji had the forts along the border strengthened and equipped with larger garrisons. New, more effective fortifications were built in the area. A whole new army with its own special governor was created whose portfolio was managing and guarding the border areas.
Despite these measures, the Mongols under the leadership of Ali Beg and Tartaq suddenly appeared in Punjab and the neighbourhood of Amroha. The Mongols plundered Punjab and burnt everything along the way.
Alauddin Khilji sent a strong army led by two of his toughest generals: Ghazi Malik and the famous Malik Kafur to engage the invaders. They surprised the Mongols on their way back to Central Asia with their plunder. At the Battle of Amroha Kubak and other Mongol generals were captured and brought back to Siri, along with other prisoners. Alauddin Khilji had the generals trampled to death by elephants while the other prisoners were put to death and their heads hung from the walls of the fort.
The Mongols returned under the leadership of Kebek, who became a khan later in 1306. They crossed the Indus River near Multan and were moving towards the Himalayas, when Ghazi Malik, governor of Punjab, intercepted them. About 50,000 Mongols were made prisoners including one of their generals. Alauddin Khilji put them all to death and sold their wives and children as slaves.
The last Mongol invasion of this period took place in 1307-8 under Iqbalmand and Tai Bu. They had just about managed to cross the Indus when Alauddin Khilji's armies overtook them and put them all to the sword. In that same year the Mongol Khan, Duwa, died and in the dispute over his succession this spate of Mongol raids into India ended.
Alauddin Khilji was an original thinker and brilliant as a strategist. He sent plundering armies under the veteran general Ghazi Malik to Kandhar, Ghazni and Kabul. These offensives effectively crippled the Mongol line of control leading to India.
After besieging and taking Siwana, Jalor, and Warangal, the Indian army, led by the Alauddin Khilji Indian slave commander Malik Kafur, invaded Malababar from Devagiri in 1311. They returned with immense amounts of gold and other booty. After the Mongol commander Abachi tried to kill Kafur, Alauddin had him executed. Believing that thousands of Mongols who were captives and later converted into Islam in Delhi were conspiring to kill him, the Sultan ordered all Mongols arrested, and about 20,000 were reported to have been executed. The court of Delhi also executed emissaries of Oljeitu, the Ilkhan of Mongol Persia.
In 1320 the Qaraunas under Zulju (Dulucha) entered Kashmir by the Jehlam Valley without meeting any serious resistance. The Kashmiri king, Suhadeva, tried to persuade Zulju to withdraw by paying a large ransom. After he failed to organize resistance, Suhadeva fled to Kishtwar, leaving the people of Kashmir to the mercy of Zulju. The Mongols burned the dwellings, massacred the men and made women and children slaves. Only refugees under Ramacandra, commander in chief of the king, in the fort of Lar remained safe. The invaders continued to pillage for eight months until the commencement of winter. When Zulju was departing via Brinal, he lost most of his men and prisoners due to a severe snowfall in Divasar district.
The next major Mongol invasion took place after the Khiljis had been replaced by the Tughlaq dynasty in the Sultanate. In 1327 the Chagatai Mongols under Tarmashirin, who had sent envoys to Delhi to negotiate peace the previous year, sacked the frontier towns of Lamghan and Multan and besieged Delhi. The Tughlaq ruler paid a large ransom to spare his Sultanate from further ravages. Muhammad bin Tughluq asked the Ilkhan Abu Sa'id to form an alliance against Tarmashirin, who had invaded Khorasan, but an attack didn't materialize. Tarmashirin was a Buddhistwho later converted to Islam. Religious tensions in the Chagatai Khanate were a divisive factor among the Mongols.
No more large-scale invasions or even raids took place in India; by this time the Mongol attempt to conquer India had finally ended in failure. However, small groups of Mongol adventurers hired out their swords to the many local powers in the northwest. Amir Qazaghan raided northern India with his Qara'unas. He also sent several thousand troops to aid the Delhi Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq in suppressing the rebellion in his country in 1350.
Timur and Babur
The Delhi sultans had developed cordial relations with the Yuan Dynasty in Mongolia and China and the Ilkhanate in Persia and the Middle East. Around 1338, Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq of the Delhi Sultanate appointed Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta an ambassador to the Mongol court of Emperor Huizong of Yuan China. The gifts he was to take included 200 slaves.
The Chagatai Khanate had split up by this time and an ambitious Mongol Turk chieftain named Timur had brought Central Asia and the regions beyond under his control. He followed the twin policies of Imperialism and Islamization, shifting various Mongol tribes to different parts of his empire and giving primacy to the Turkic people in his own army. Timur also reinforced the Islamic faith over the Chagatai Khanate and gave primacy to the laws of the Quran over Genghis Khan's shaminist laws. He invaded India in 1398 to make war and plunder the wealth of the country.
Timur's empire broke up and his descendants failed to hold on to Central Asia, which split up into numerous principalities. The descendants of the Mongol Chagtais and the descendants of Timur empire lived side by side, occasionally fighting and occasionally inter-marrying.
One of the products of such a marriage was Babur, founder of the Mughal Empire. His mother belonged to the family of the Mongol Khans of Tashkent. Babur was a true descendant of Timur and shared his beliefs: he believed that rules and regulations of Genghis Khan were deficient as he remarked, "they had no divine authority."
Even though his own mother was a Mongol, Babur was not very fond of the Mongol race and wrote a stinging verse in his autobiography:
- "Were the Mughals an angel race, it would be bad,
- Even write in gold, the Mughal name would be bad."
When Babur occupied Kabul and began invading the Indian subcontinent, he was called a Mughal like all the earlier invaders from the Chagatai Khanate. Even the invasion of Timur had been considered a Mongol invasion since the Mongols had ruled over Central Asia for so long and had given their name to its people.
Both Timur and Babur continued the military system of Genghis Khan. One part of this system was the name Ordu - used for the collective of tents that formed the military camp — it was now pronounced Urdu. In all their campaigns in India the Mughal camp was called the Urdu and this word became current in the languages of the various soldiers that formed the body of this camp.
In time these Indian and foreign languages mingled together in the Urdu and a new language of that name was born. This language of the military camp survived in some of the North Indian cities after the fall of the Mughal Empire. The Urdu that passed through all these centuries of political changes ultimately became the language of poetry, of music, and of other forms of cultural expression—today it is recognized as one of the languages of Pakistan and modern India.
- ^ http://books.google.com.pk/books?id=L5eFzeyjBTQC&pg=PA66&dq=khokhar+allied+with+mongols&hl=en&ei=pLRXTpbwJcjJswaSoODGCg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCkQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false
- ^ Chormaqan Noyan: The First Mongol Military Governor in the Middle East by Timothy May
- ^ Thomas T. Allsen-Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia, p.84
- ^ Islamic Culture Board-Islamic culture, p.256
- ^ André Wink-Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World, p.208
- ^ John Masson Smith, Jr. Mongol Armies and Indian Campaigns.
- ^ John Masson Smith, Jr. Mongol Armies and Indian Campaigns and J.A. Boyle, The Mongol Commanders in Afghanistan and India.
- ^ Rashid ad-Din - The history of World
- ^ J.A. Boyle, "The Mongol Commanders in Afghanistan and India According to the Tabaqat-I-Nasiri of Juzjani," Islamic Studies, II (1963); reprinted in idem, The Mongol World Empire (London: Variorum, 1977), see ch. IX, p. 239
- ^ Although Muslim historians claimed Mongols were outnumbered and their army ranged from 100-200,000, their force was not enough to cow down Delhi mamluks in reality. See John Masson Smith, Jr. Mongol Armies and Indian Campaigns.
- ^ Rene Grousset - Empire of steppes, Chagatai Khanate; Rutgers Univ Pr,New Jersey, U.S.A, 1988 ISBN 0-8135-1304-9
- ^ Mohibbul Hasan-Kashmir Under the Sultans, p.36
- ^ The Chaghadaids and Islam: the conversion of Tarmashirin Khan (1331-34). The Journal of the American Oriental Society, October 1, 2002. Biran
- Harold Lamb, Genghis Khan: Emperor of All Men. ISBN 0-88411-798-7
- Rene Grousset - Empire of Steppes, Rutgers Univ Pr,New Jersey, U.S.A, 1988 ISBN 0-8135-1304-9
- John Masson Smith, Jr. - MONGOL ARMIES AND INDIAN CAMPAIGNS, University of California, Berkeley 
- Chormaqan Noyan: The First Mongol Military Governor in the Middle East by Timothy May 
- J.A. Boyle, "The Mongol Commanders in Afghanistan and India According to the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of Juzjani." Central Asiatic Journal 9 (1964): 235-247. Reprinted in The Mongol World Empire, 1206-1370, edited by John A. Boyle, Variorum Reprints, 1977.
- Peter Jackson - Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, Cambridge University Press,1999. ISBN 0-521-40477-0